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Basil of Caesarea (AD 329-78), called "the Great" by later generations, was one of the fourth century's greatest theologians and pastors. His influence on the foundation of monastic life was enormous.
As he toured the early ascetic communities, members would ask Basil about various aspects of living the Gospel life. Their questions and Basil's replies were taken down by tachygraphers and eventually became the Small Asketikon, first published in 366. The Regula Basilii is a Latin translation of this work, done by Rufinus of Aquileia in 397. It is one of the major sources of the Rule of Saint Benedict, and Benedict recommends it to zealous monks, calling it "the rule of our holy father Basil."
This volume represents a new Latin edition, translated and annotated in English by Anna M. Silvas. It is based on the Latin text Basili Regula - A Rufino Latine Versa from Klaus Zelzer: Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiastricoum Latinorum, Vol. 86. It also includes three extra questions and answers that survive only in the Syriac translation. Silvas balances masterfully between the rigors of academic research and the interests of an intelligent, non-specialist readership. This volume promises to become an indispensable resource in understanding both the history and the spirituality of monastic life.
- Sales Rank: #2006785 in eBooks
- Published on: 2013-05-01
- Released on: 2013-05-01
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
"The translation is stylish and accurate without being slavish. Text and translation are laid out on facing pages, with a critical apparatus and sometimes commentary beneath the Latin text, and notes beneath the English translation."Dr. Dennis Minns, OP, Tjurunga
About the Author
Anna M. Silvas is a research fellow in the School of Humanities at the University of New England, Australia. Her research concentrates on late antiquity, particularly on the development of Christian monasticism and the spirituality of ascetic women in early and medieval Christianity. Her published works include translation of ancient literature as well as monographs. Forthcoming is the first critical edition of the Syriac Questions of the Brothers.
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Basil of Caesarea' Small Asketikon
By PJ F
Following her 2005 publication, The Asketikon of St Basil the Great (see review posted in Amazon), Anna Silvas introduces us to the Latin text and English translation of The Rule of St Basil. The complete text (p. 44-289), is preceded by an introduction (p. 1-43) dealing with the state of the question: place of the work in Basil's life; Rufinus' translation and method employed; manuscripts and existing editions. She opts for the Klaus Zelzer 1986 edition with some of the amendments proposed by Sven Lundström (1989). The text and translation are followed by three Appendixes (p. 291-308: comparative table of recensions; three extra texts found only in Syriac; index of scriptural quotations and allusions).
From the titles the two works by Basil of Caesarea (c.330-379), the one from 2005 and the one from 2013, appear to be unrelated. This is most unfortunate. In fact, what she presents now as a Rule by Basil is the same as Basil's Small Asketikon (203 Questions-Answers; henceforward Q&A), an early version of what became known as Great Asketikon (376 Q&A). These are two versions of the same work. To call now the earlier version Rule it seems to be totally inaccurate and misleading, even if this is what Zelzer has done. Rather than using Rufinus' title `instituta monachorum', Zelzer adopted instead from some later copies of Rufinus' translation the title `regula' (K. Zelzer, apparatus criticus, p. 3, Basili regula a Rufino Latine uersa (Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, lxxxvi) (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1986). Since she published earlier the second version of this same work, which more accurately should have been designated Great Asketikon, it would have been much more appropriate, and also more logical and historically more accurate, to name the present translation of the earlier version Small Asketikon. (It should be pointed out that in both works she uses interchangeably the two designations for the Small Asketikon, which obviously is incorrect).
Any one acquainted with the more recent scholarship of Basil's works knows that in his writings Basil applies the term `rule' (Greek `horos') only to the 80 Moral Rules (Moralia), which are made up of 771 New Testament quotations. He never designates by the term `horos' either the 203 Q&A of his Small Asketikon or the 376 of the Great Asketikon. Despite that for centuries the Q&A were known as Longer (1-55) and Shorter (1-313 or 321) Rules such a mistaken designation has been put to rest once and for all in the second half of the twentieth-century. According to Scholion 2 (ed. & French trans. by Jean Gribomont, Histoire du texte des Ascétiques de s. Basile [Louvain, 1953], p. 152), recorded by a Byzantinist scholar who during the fifth-century visited the places where Basil's communities were located, `Small Asketikon' (in Greek `mikron askētikon') was the title under which Basil's work was known, which now misleadingly Zelzer-Silvas call `Rule'.
Rufinus' employment of the term `instituta monachorum' (Praef. 4; 5 Zelzer) with reference to Basil's Small Asketikon deserves a closer look. According to the Latin-English Dictionary by Lewis&Short, p.969 col. 3, `institutum' means, i. `a purpose intention design'; ii. `an arrangement plan'; iii. `mode of life habits practices manners'; iv. `a regulation ordinance institution'; v. `instruction'; vi. `agreement stipulation'. The meanings iii-iv seems to correspond best to the usage in verse 11, where Rufinus states that the purpose of his translation was that all the monasteries in the West might live like those of Cappadocia, `according to the same and not according to different ordinances or observances' (`ut secundum instar Cappadociae omnia monasteria eisdem et non diuersis uel institutis uel obseruationibus uiuant'; Praef. 11; 5 Zelzer). The idea of uniformity rather than unity in this concept is strongly embedded. That Rufinus here does not reflect the mind of the author he translates, but rather imposes his own view is made clear by his reference to Basil's text as written for monks. It should be noted that in his writings Basil never refers to his followers by the term monk; instead he calls his disciples `complete Christians' (`teleioi Christianoi' in Greek). This misrepresentation of Basil's concept of the ascetic ethos, is apparent from Rufinus' turning of Basil's term `logos', which in Greek has more than 20 possible meanings, into the Latin `sermo tuus'. There is no doubt that Basil's original wording of the Q&A 1 in the Small Asketikon was the same as in the Great Asketikon, where it reads, `Since the `logos' has indeed given us the authority to ask questions'. Rufinus' rendering of `logos', as `sermo', and then delimiting to `tuus' (`your') runs counter to what in his Prol. 5 Basil allows his followers to do, namely, that after having participated with other Christians in the public service celebrated in the local church, now, while most people have departed home, they are staying behind to exercise their authority to pose questions to him. In the words of the Prolog to the Great Asketikon Basil describes his obligation, saying, `Sometimes, we must solemnly charge the whole church with the commandments of the Lord, and, at other times, allow each one of those approaching us to ask with authority one-on-one questions, concerning the sound faith and the truth of the life according to the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. It is through these two expedients that "the man of God" (cfr 2 Tim. 3.17) comes steadily to maturity'. In Q&A 2 the disciples word their request to Basil by using the polysemous term `dialegō', `to pick out one from another', `to converse with', `hold a conversation with', `debate', `discuss', `teach with the question and answer method, always with the idea of intellectual stimulus', and the idea of `opening up and stimulating a question-answer period'. `Dialegō' is translated by Rufinus `dissero', `to examine, argue, discuss, treat of', which more literally means `to set forth in order, arrange distinctly'. It is obvious that more than Rufinus', Silvas' translation `speak' misses completely the full meaning of the Greek term.
Whereas from Basil's original wording, `Since the "logos" has indeed given us authority to ask questions', we see envisioned a horizontally oriented structure taking shape of the ascetic community (this is the true notion of coenobitism), Rufinus by his mistranslation opens the door to the creation of a vertically structured community (which in the East goes by the name of `semi-coenobitic/eremitic' and/or `eremitic'). This misunderstanding of the original concept of coenobitism will dominate and shape Latin Western monasticism for the centuries to come (see the excellent article by Armand Veilleux, `La théologie de l'abbatiat cénobitique et ses implications liturgiques', La vie spirituelle, Supplément 21 [1968] 351-93; available also in English, Monastic Studies 6 [1968] 3-45). The best example of this re-orientation are the opening words of the Rule of Benedict, `Listen carefully, my son, to the master's instructions, and attend to them with the ear of your heart' (`obsculta/audi, o fili, praecepta magistri tui, et inclina aures cordis tui'; RB 1980. The Rule of St Benedict in Latin and English with Notes [Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1981], p. 156-57; henceforward RB 1980). By these words the disciple is not urged or invited by Benedict to exercise the authority given by the `logos' to ask questions, as is the disciple of Basil, but he/she are told to accept without question the teachings of the master in the person of the abbot/abbess. It has been well said by many historians that in the West unlike in the East true coenobitism never existed. Members of Basil's communities are `brother-sisterhoods', organized along a horizontally aligned structure, not `schools', structured along the vertically set parameters of a master-disciple organization (see Mario Girardi, `"Adelphotēs" basiliana e scuola benedettina. Due scelte monastiche complementarie? [Nicolaus 9 (1981)] 3-62). At the head of the Basilian communities is a `proestōs'proestōssa' (`leader who cares'), selected upon the discernment of the charisma of the word and teaching by the members of the fellowship for a limited term; the `proestōs' or `proestōssa' are not an abbot or abbess exercising over the members of the community an almost absolute authority for life (only since the Second Vatican Council, 1962-65, the life-long appointments have been discontinued in the Roman Catholic Church).
According to Silvas Benedict's reference, `but also the rule of our holy father Basil' (`sed et regulam sancti patris Basilii', Rule of Benedict 75.3), refers to Rufinus' translation. However, it is most likely that Benedict has in mind the spurious work attributed to Basil, Admonitio ad filium spiritualem, dated from the fifth-century Gaul, which uses Rufinus' translation for some of its contents, but as such is not a work written by Basil. Under Basil's name it was widely circulated throughout the Latin Middle Ages, almost three times more than the Small Asketikon (see P.J. Fedwick, Bibliotheca Basiliana Vniuersalis [1997], iii 777-79, where close to 300 manuscripts of the work are described).
It should be noted that the Latin term `regula', in the sense of `code of behaviour', appears for the first time during the Carolingian period (9th century onwards), as a gloss by a copyist of the Rule of Benedict. `It is called a rule because it regulates the lives of those who obey' (`regula appellatur ab hoc quod oboedientum dirigat mores', RB 1980, 168). However, it is not in this sense that Benedict of Nursia (c.480-c.550) himself or the author of the Rule of the Master (by an anonymous of the 6th century) understand the term. For them `regula' is a written document complementary to the authority of the abbot. It is a work of reference for the abbot's exclusive use in the exercise of his authority, but not a text directly accessible, for reading or direct consultation, to the rest of the members of the community (see the very important study of Adalbert de Vogüé, `Sub regula uel abbate. A Study of the Theological Significance of the Ancient Monastic Rules', p. 21-63, in: An Interdisciplinary Symposium, ed. Basil Pennington [Spencer, Mass.: Cistercian Publications, 1971]). It is also for the abbots alone that around 817 Benedict of Aniane (c.750-821) issues a collection of 25 monastic texts, among which is Rufinus' translation of Basil, under the title `Codex regularum'. This was preceded by Benedict of Aniane's `Concordia regularum' in which each chapter of the Rule of Benedict is clarified by an excerpt taken from the above 25 rules. Thus, this pristine sense places the patristic literature before Benedict of Aniane, especially the writings of Basil, Cassian (c.360-after 430) and Benedict of Nursia in the category of wisdom literature. `Law' or `Rule' is hardly an adequate classification for such a body of literature. What all this literature shows is that all these documents have something in common, namely, that they provide a practical guide for living and for the cultivation of virtue. They are not normative but didactic documents. `The whole body of early monastic literature resembles rather that body of literature in the Old Testament that today is called "wisdom literature". It has this in common with Old Testament wisdom literature, that although it contains certain theological principles, it is derived primarily from, and reflects experience of life. It is intended to be a guide to wise living in the practical situations of life' (RB 1980, p. 145).
Silvas' new book has its merits. Foremost, it gives for the first time a translation of a text thus far unavailable in English. She also evaluates competently Rufinus' method of translation. But as regards two key and very important issues--naming Basil's Small Asketikon, `Rule', without explaining the historical meaning of the latter term, and taking no issue with Rufinus' mistranslation of `logos' as `sermo tuus' (`your discourse' in her translation)--, prevent one for recommending it without reservation. Besides creating confusion, both shortcomings in great measure affect the correct understanding and interpretation of Basil's thought and accomplishment as a leader and proponent of ascetic ideals rooted in the teachings of the scriptures. And also rob him from the originality which sets him apart from others who wrote about and dealt with asceticism in its original, scripture-rooted, form rather than later post Late Antiquity monasticism, influenced by and patterned on feudal models.
PS: on Silvas' characterization of the works by Jean Gribomont and P.J. Fedwick, `There is certain "anti-monastic" ... only occurs in the Great Asketikon, they think. Not [one word sentence underlined by author]' (p. 40-41), see the reply in the review of her The Asketikon (2005) posted in Amazon.
Addendum: on p. 84, Q&A 5, line 4, Rufinus' 'contra fidem' should be translated 'fraudulently' not 'against faith', as Silvas wrongly does. See, for instance, Cicero, 'De natura deorum', 3.30.74, 'quae contra fidem fiunt' = 'things fraudulently done'. On p. 86, line 10, amend 'a me' to 'ad me'. Since there are some problems with Silvas' wholesale acceptance of Lundstroem's 1989 (not 1978 as on p. 24) textual amendments, it is better to avoid her Latin text and resort directly to Zelzer's 1986 critical edition.
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